It was in this context, and in honour of Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge, that His Royal Highness, Zolani Mkiva, widely recognised as South Africa’s Imbongi Yesizwe (Poet of the Nation) and Secretary General of CONTRALESA, delivered the following poem.

As South Africa marks the close of Freedom Month, this tribute calls forward a continued commitment to building peaceful, inclusive societies.

In salutation of Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge

A lady leader,

A woman of stature—

Her presence, a pillar

Carved in the grain of history.

Rectitude her compass,

Unbending in storms of doubt,

Resilient as the baobab

Rooted deep in ancestral ground.

Relentless, she walks

Where courage fears to linger,

Robust-full in spirit,

Carrying the weight of many

With a steady hand.

Fearless—

Not in the absence of fear,

But in its quiet mastery.

We know her in yesterdays of the struggle,

When the air was thick with resistance,

When freedom was not a promise

But a perilous pursuit.

In the revolution of Congress traditions,

She stood—

Not behind,

Not apart,

But in the living heartbeat of comradeship.

On the frontline with others,

Names woven into the same tapestry,

She gave of herself—

Time, comfort, certainty—

All surrendered to a greater call.

To confront a crime against humanity,

To name injustice without trembling,

To rise when silence was safer.

A fighter for freedom,

Whose voice carried the longing of many.

For justice—

Measured not in words, but in deeds.

For peace—

Not passive, but forged in truth.

For reconciliation—

The hardest bridge to build,

Yet the one she dared to cross.

So, we salute her—

Not as memory alone,

But as motion—

A living current

Still shaping the river of tomorrow.

As South Africa marks 30 years since TRC started its work is an important moment for us to reflect on the legacy of the TRC and the work that still needs to be done.  This anniversary is both a reminder and a time for reflection—highlighting the successes as well as the gaps in justice, reparations, accountability, and social healing that continue into the present. For the IJR, this anniversary reaffirms its mandate to deepen reconciliation by addressing structural inequality, strengthening the rule of law, and fostering inclusive dialogue, particularly for generations who continue to live with the unresolved consequences of the past.

The conference gave IJR an opportunity to participate in a discussion on “Reconciliation for whom?” Dr Fanie du Toit, IJR’s Interim Executive Director, reflected on the way in which the TRC was a disruption from the past: it effectively created a disjuncture from the narrative of the apartheid state and laid bare what it had long tried to bury.  The Khulumani Galela Campaign, represented by Nomarussia Bonase, noted that reconciliation is still a pipe-dream for many of the survivors, victims and their families who have not received reparations.

The event highlighted the way in which the TRC created a shared, indisputable history: 82% of South Africans believe that apartheid was a crime against humanity, which includes 65% of white people who acknowledge this (SA Reconciliation Barometer, 2025).  This is significant as for there to be reconciliation, there has to be acknowledgement of the harm that was done.  The picture painted by the TRC was able to disrupt the apartheid narratives propagated by the State.

One of the important defining features of the TRC was the way in which it centred victims.  In the preamble to the TRC Act, it states that the purpose of the act is to afford “victims an opportunity to relate the violations they suffered; the taking of measures aimed at the granting of reparation to, and the rehabilitation and the restoration of the human and civil dignity of, victims of violations of human rights; reporting to the Nation about such violations and victims; the making of recommendations aimed at the prevention of the commission of gross violations of human rights”. The stated intention of the Act and the TRC process was to centre the experience of victims and to humanize them through giving them the opportunity to share their stories, which had been (violently) silenced in the past.  The process also gave an opportunity for the families of victims to find out what had happened to their loved ones who were disappeared and murdered.

The TRC also broke with the past in creating institutional transparency, naming names of perpetrators thereby dismantling the culture of secrecy and denial which had characterized the apartheid regime.

The event also recognised the way in which the TRC in South Africa has been used as the model for many transitional justice processes in post-conflict countries.  To this end, it invited participants from Kenya, the Gambia, Colombia, Uganda, South Sudan, Mali, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Tunisia, Taiwan and South Korea.

The convening highlighted some of the shortcomings of the lack of implementation and follow-up on the TRC and its processes.  The failure to prosecute those who were denied amnesty is one of the most glaring examples.  More than that, the political interference which actively aimed at preventing prosecution – which is the subject of the Khampepe Commission of Inquiry – has had serious consequences.  First and foremost, it has delayed justice for the families of the victims of apartheid.  Secondly, it has damaged our national pursuit of the rule of law and accountability which has led to a culture of impunity, which goes beyond this issue into the larger arena of state capture.

While the TRC was limited to political acts, criticism has been laid that a glaring gap in our transitional justice process has been the lack of accountability for economic apartheid and the larger crimes associated with colonialism.  Issues of economic accountability and the land question remain unresolved.  According to SARB 2025, the majority of South Africans believe that inequality is the greatest obstacle to reconciliation, indicating the necessity for these issues to be addressed and resolved.

The focus on individual acts has led to a blind-spot in terms of the structural violence metered out by apartheid.  The institutional nature of the system which was ubiquitous and imbedded in every aspect of society has yet to be properly examined.  This, it can be argued, is one of the reasons for the persistent racism which still remains.

The conference examined the issue of gender.  One of the critiques of the process has been that it failed to recognise the unique and gendered nature of the experience of women.  In many instances, the women who appeared before the committee were doing so to tell the stories of their fathers, uncles, brothers, husbands and sons. Not enough attention was paid to the particular experience of women under apartheid, especially as it related to sexual violence – which was seen as beyond the scope of the TRC.

One of the greatest failures of the last 30 years has been the failure to implement the recommendations of the TRC on the issue of reparations.  The government’s alarming decision not to follow the recommendations regarding compensation and limiting reparations to only those who appeared before the TRC is a blight on our democracy.  That the President’s Fund is sitting with R2 billion, while survives continue to live (and die) in poverty, is inexcusable.

The picture that emerges of the TRC and its legacy is mixed: there are two competing legacies which co-exist at once.  There is the positive legacy which has laid the foundations for the values and principles of the Constitution to be lived out, while simultaneously the failures have led to the persistent problems we experience today.  As we go forward, we would do well to remember the words of the Final Report: “Reconciliation is a long haul and depends not on a commission for its achievement but on all of us making our contribution.”

The engagement offered students an in‑depth introduction to transitional justice in South Africa, highlighting both the achievements and the enduring shortcomings of the post‑apartheid transition.

IJR’s Senior Practitioner, Felicity Harrison and Prof Tim Murithi, Senior Advisor, engaged with the students, expounding on the work of the IJR in South Africa and across the continent, acknowledging that justice and reconciliation are ongoing processes.

“IJR was born out of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, recognising that justice and reconciliation are ongoing processes,” Harrison explained, further expounding on the work of the organisation that has since expanded from South Africa across Africa, focusing on post-colonial transitions and conflicts, and the mutual exchange of lessons between South Africa and other countries.

Discussions explored some of the most pressing unresolved issues in South Africa today, including apartheid denial, the failure to fully implement reparations, and ongoing efforts to reopen apartheid‑era inquests into the deaths of political activists. Particular attention was given to the frustration of survivors and families who continue to face delayed justice due to missing evidence, legal obstruction, and a lack of political will.

The visit also addressed broader challenges of public trust, corruption, and institutional legitimacy, as well as the limits of legal frameworks without effective enforcement. From a global perspective, conversations extended to international law, reparations for historical injustice, and South Africa’s role in activating international legal mechanisms.

For the visiting Erasmus law students, the exchange underscored the reality that law operates within political and social constraints. The visit reinforced IJR’s belief that justice must be victim‑centred, participatory, and ongoing, grounded not only in legal processes but also in community engagement, historical truth‑telling, and institutional transformation.

Call for abstracts for a research workshop to be convened at the Centre for African Studies (CAS), University of Cape Town, South Africa on Thursday 4th June 2026, 9.30am – 3.30pm.

Towards a pan-African reparations agenda: Contestations, disputations and prospects

The global resurgence of calls for reparative justice animated by the Pan-African and global African reparations movement, the campaigns for restitution of African knowledge and cultural artefacts, the Black Lives Matter movement and the growing momentum for the decolonisation of knowledge, has reignited debates on reparations for historical injustices, particularly those rooted in slavery, colonialism, apartheid and systemic racial oppression. Across the African continent and its global diaspora, notably in the Americas and the Caribbean, the demand for reparations has evolved from moral appeals to structured political, legal, and economic claims.

This research workshop provides an academic platform to interrogate the contestations, disputations as well as the prospects for a Pan-African and global African reparations agenda.

In Africa, the Caribbean, the Americas and Europe, the reparations discourse is increasingly framed within continuing struggles to redress historical injustices as well as to decolonise the Pan-African body politic and assert continental political and economic sovereignty through redistributive socio-economic justice. Yet, the agenda remains fragmented, contested, and often co-opted by competing interests. While some African and Caribbean governments, for example the CARICOM Community, and civil society actors have advanced bold claims, others remain hesitant or divided on the modalities, beneficiaries, and political implications of reparations. The African Union’s designation of 2026–2036 as the Decade of Justice for Africans and People of African Descent and the growing influence of Pan-African and global African advocacy networks signal a critical moment to consolidate scholarly research as well as policy and activist perspectives.

This workshop, convened by the University of Cape Town (UCT) Centre for African Studies (CAS), Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR), and UCT Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa (IDCPPA), seeks to interrogate the evolving contours of the Pan-African reparations agenda. It aims to provide a platform for rigorous academic engagement and strategic reflection on the prospects and pitfalls of reparative justice in Africa and its global diasporas.

The one-day workshop offers an opportunity for scholars, advanced postgraduate students, artists, jurists, and activists to share their perspectives on topics such as:

• Moral, political and legal pathways and precedents for reparations;
• Cultural restitution and memory politics;
• Reparations and economic justice in Africa and Global Africa;
• Gendered dimensions of historical injustice and repair;
• Youth, digital activism, and the future of reparations;
• Key recommendations to policymakers, including the African Union and CARICOM Community and civil society leaders;
• Artistic interventions, including exhibitions, performances, and film screenings exploring reparative memory and resistance;
• Graduate student presentations to showcase emerging scholarship and foster mentorship;
• Establishment of a UCT Pan-African Reparations Research Working Group to further refine academic papers to be featured in a special journal issue or edited volume.

Expected outcomes

The Research Conference will seek to establish:

• A consolidated body of interdisciplinary research scholarship on reparations in Africa and the Global African Diaspora;
• A policy brief outlining key recommendations for African governments, regional bodies, and international partners;
• Strengthened research networks among scholars, activists, and institutions engaged in reparative justice;
• Enhanced public awareness and engagement through media coverage and cultural programmes;
• A roadmap for future collaborative research, advocacy, and policy engagement on reparations.

About the co-convenors

Centre for African Studies (CAS), University of Cape Town: CAS is a leading interdisciplinary hub for critical scholarship on Africa and for advancing African perspectives on global predicaments. It fosters interdisciplinary research, teaching and public engagement on the continent’s past, present, and futures.

Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR): IJR works across Africa to promote reparative justice, transitional justice, reconciliation and inclusive development. It engages governments, civil society and communities in building democratic societies rooted in human rights, redress, accountability and dignity.

Institute for Democracy, Citizenship and Public Policy in Africa (IDCPPA), University of Cape Town: IDCPPA advances research and dialogue on the challenges and possibilities of democratic governance in Africa. It brings together scholars and practitioners to explore issues of citizenship, accountability and public policy from a Pan-African perspective.

Co-Convenors: 

• Prof. Suren Pillay, Director: UCT Centre for African Studies (CAS)
• Prof. Tim Murithi, Research Associate: UCT Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IDCPPA)

Submissions

Participants are requested to submit a research paper abstract of no more than 500 words by Thursday, 30th April 2026, including name, affiliation and email address via email to: cas@uct.ac.za.

The workshop selection committee will notify successful participants by 15th May 2026.

NB: Note that, due to limited resources, all participants outside Cape Town will be expected to cover their own travel and accommodation costs to attend.

The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) is pleased to announce the appointment of Dr Fanie du Toit as Interim Executive Director and Mrs Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge as Chair of the Board.

These leadership appointments mark an important moment in the organisation’s ongoing commitment to advancing justice, reconciliation, and inclusive peacebuilding.

Dr du Toit brings to the role decades of distinguished experience in transitional justice, reconciliation, and peacebuilding. A former Executive Director of IJR, he led the organisation through a period of significant growth, expanding its reach across Africa and into the Middle East. Internationally recognised for his advisory work with governments, multilateral institutions, including the United Nations and civil society, Dr du Toit has worked in over 45 countries. His expertise spans policy development, community reconciliation processes, and post-conflict recovery, supported by an academic background that includes a D.Phil. from the University of Oxford and an M.Phil. in Justice and Transformation from the University of Cape Town.

Mrs Madlala-Routledge assumes the role of Board Chair with over 30 years of leadership in government, civil society, and international peacebuilding. A former Deputy Speaker of the South African National Assembly and Deputy Minister of Health and Defence, she has been at the forefront of advancing gender equality, human rights, and democratic governance. Her global experience includes serving as Director of the Quaker United Nations Office in Geneva and contributing to numerous international advisory bodies focused on peace and justice. She is widely respected for her role in mobilising women in the development of South Africa’s democratic Constitution and for her leadership in grassroots peacebuilding initiatives.

Reflecting on her appointment, Mrs Madlala-Routledge said:

“I am deeply honoured to steward the legacy of the visionary founders who established the IJR as a living continuation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission—an institution rooted in the belief that confronting our past is essential to shaping a more humane and just future. For more than 25 years, our Board and dedicated staff have shown courage, moral clarity, and steadfast commitment in advancing justice, healing, and reconciliation.

Today, we stand at a defining moment. Guided by a renewed strategy and new leadership, we are opening a bold new chapter—one that seeks not only to respond to injustice, but to imagine and help build the just and peaceful South Africa, Africa, and world that remains within our reach. This next chapter calls for collective courage, creative partnership, and enduring hope. I invite partners, supporters, and communities to walk with us as we shape this future together.”

The IJR Board expressed confidence that, together, Dr du Toit and Mrs Madlala-Routledge will provide strong, values-driven leadership during this transitional period, reinforcing the organisation’s mission to promote reconciliation, reparative justice, social cohesion, and democratic transformation.

Ends.

For media enquiries, please contact:
Ms Mwanja Ng’anjo | Mnganjo@ijr.org.za

In recent years, Africa has moved from the periphery of global strategy to its centre. Once framed mainly through development challenges or humanitarian crises, the continent is now widely viewed as a decisive arena in 21st-century geopolitics. Major global powers are expanding their economic partnerships, diplomatic engagement, and security cooperation across African states—not simply out of goodwill, but because Africa’s markets, resources, demographics, and strategic geography matter enormously for the future world order.

This growing competition is not a return to old colonial patterns, nor is it a simple rivalry between two superpowers. Instead, it reflects a more complex, multipolar environment in which multiple actors pursue influence through investment, infrastructure, trade, and political relationships. Understanding this competition helps explain Africa’s changing global role and the shift in international power.

Why Africa Matters More Than Ever

Several structural factors explain Africa’s rising geopolitical significance. First, demographics. Africa is the world’s fastest-growing population centre, with a rapidly expanding workforce and consumer base. For global investors and governments alike, this represents both an economic opportunity and a strategic partnership prospect.

Second, natural resources. Many African countries hold critical minerals essential to modern technology, including cobalt, lithium, rare-earth elements, and platinum. These materials are indispensable for renewable energy systems, electronics manufacturing, and advanced industrial production. Russia, the US, and China each reflect distinct ways of linking security engagement with resource access. Securing stable access to such resources is now a central concern of global economic strategy.

Third, geography. Africa sits at the crossroads of major maritime trade routes linking Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. Control over ports, shipping corridors, and logistical hubs offers strategic leverage in global commerce and security.

Together, these factors make Africa not just relevant but pivotal in shaping future economic and political alignments.

China’s Expanding Economic Footprint

Among external actors, China has built one of the most visible and extensive presences across African countries. Its strategy has centred on infrastructure financing, trade expansion, and long-term development partnerships. In Zimbabwe, Tanzania, Ghana, and other countries, roads, railways, ports, industrial zones, and power projects funded by Chinese institutions have reshaped the physical and economic landscapes across multiple regions.

Chinese engagement is often framed through large-scale connectivity initiatives that emphasise infrastructure as a foundation for growth. For many African governments, these investments address critical development gaps more rapidly than traditional aid frameworks. At the same time, debates continue about debt sustainability, local economic impact, and long-term dependency risks. For example, in Zimbabwe, critics often raise the significant adverse environmental and social implications of Chinese-owned mining operations.

From a geopolitical perspective, China’s approach demonstrates how economic statecraft, using trade and investment to build influence, has become a primary tool of global competition.

The United States and Strategic Reengagement

Although the United States faced criticism for cutting aid under the Trump administration, it has adapted to shifting global dynamics by expanding diplomatic, economic, and security engagement across Africa. This engagement prioritises governance, private sector investment, and regional security, particularly in areas affected by instability or extremist threats, reflecting a strategic effort to sustain influence amid rising competition from emerging powers.

Rather than relying solely on aid, Washington now emphasises partnership frameworks that support infrastructure, entrepreneurship, and technological development. This approach illustrates that contemporary geopolitical influence depends not only on resources or military presence but on cultivating integrated economic and institutional networks.

Russia’s Strategic and Security-Oriented Role

Russia’s footprint in Africa is deeper than imagined. It has pursued a different pathway to influence, focusing heavily on political ties, security cooperation, and energy agreements. Its engagement often involves military training partnerships, defence cooperation, and diplomatic outreach to governments seeking alternative international relationships.

Russia’s involvement illustrates how geopolitical competition is not solely about economics. Security partnerships can reshape alliances, affect domestic stability, and influence regional balances of power. By positioning itself as a flexible partner in political and security matters, Russia has expanded its visibility across multiple African regions.

Europe’s Evolving Partnership Model

Europe’s partnership model with Africa is shifting from a traditional donor-recipient relationship towards a strategic, investment-led, and, in principle, more equal partnership centred on shared interests. Based on the Joint Vision 2030, this model, supported by the Global Gateway’s €150 billion investment package, emphasises sustainable development, green energy transitions, digital transformation, and infrastructure.

This change aims to counter increasing competition from other global powers, such as China, the USA, and Russia, by offering comprehensive, value-based cooperation. However, its implementation has yet to be seen, as Africa has always been on the receiving end.

Emerging Powers and Multipolar Competition

Beyond the most prominent actors, countries such as India and Turkey have expanded diplomatic, economic, and cultural engagement across Africa. Since 2014, India has adopted an “Africa First” policy, significantly expanding its diplomatic and developmental engagement across the continent. This strategy has involved establishing 16 new Indian embassies and committing $12 billion in concessional credit to support infrastructure development in African nations. While Türkiye’s presence in Africa has increased considerably in recent years, indicating a strategic shift in Ankara’s foreign policy and a realignment of regional dynamics, it projects that bilateral trade with African states will reach US$50 billion by 2028. Türkiye is redefining its role in a region where its engagement was limited until the 2010s.

Their involvement underscores a broader transformation: Africa is no longer shaped by a single dominant external influence but by overlapping networks of partnerships.

Way forward: Strategic Priorities for African States in an Era of Geopolitical Competition

The central dimension of rising geopolitical competition is the assertive role of African governments. While external powers seek influence, African states need to set the terms of engagement to align with national priorities. For instance, in February 2026, Zimbabwe rejected $367 million in U.S. health aid, citing sovereignty concerns, signalling a deliberate exercise of strategic autonomy. African states should adopt a coordinated strategy that converts external competition into long-term structural gains while safeguarding sovereignty.

1. First, governments must negotiate from a position of collective leverage through regional blocs and the African Union, prioritising common standards on debt transparency, environmental protection, and local content requirements. Unified bargaining reduces vulnerability to asymmetric agreements and improves terms across infrastructure, energy, and mining contracts.

1. Second, states should shift from resource extraction to value-chain development by requiring technology transfer, skills training, and domestic processing of critical minerals. Investment screening mechanisms should evaluate projects against national industrial strategies rather than short-term fiscal needs.

• Third, diversification of partnerships is essential. Engaging multiple external actors across sectors can prevent dependency while expanding financing options and market access. However, diversification must be governed by clear procurement rules, anti-corruption safeguards, and parliamentary oversight to protect institutional integrity.

1. Fourth, governments should channel investment into regional connectivity, digital infrastructure, and renewable energy to support economic integration and resilience. Social and environmental impact frameworks must be enforced to mitigate displacement and ecological degradation.

Ultimately, African states should pursue pragmatic, interest-based engagement: welcoming investment that advances development goals while rejecting arrangements that compromise policy autonomy or long-term economic transformation.

Leadership Transition at the IJR

The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) announces that its Executive Director, Prof Cheryl Hendricks, has resigned effective 31 March 2026.

Prof Hendricks has guided the IJR with distinction and steadfast integrity. Her leadership has been characterised by intellectual depth and a resolute dedication to promoting justice, reconciliation, and democratic principles. During her tenure, the Institute expanded its footprint nationally, continentally, and internationally, strengthened key strategic alliances, and amplified its substantive reach and influence amid a complex global and regional landscape.

She will be stepping down to in order to take up a new leadership position, as Head of the Nelson Mandela School of Governance at the University of Cape Town, which aligns with her professional path and ongoing contribution to the sector. Prof Hendricks has conveyed her deep appreciation for the privilege of serving the IJR and collaborating with its Board, staff, partners, and supporters. The Institute takes great pride in her accomplishments and is confident that she will continue to advance the values and commitments that defined her leadership at the IJR.

The IJR remains committed to its mission to foster just, democratic, peaceful, and inclusive societies. Supported by a new innovative strategy and new ways of working, the organisation is well-positioned to sustain and deepen its work and partnerships across Africa and globally.

The Institute expresses its sincere gratitude to Prof Hendricks for her exemplary leadership and dedicated service, and extends appreciation to its partners and stakeholders for their ongoing trust and collaboration.

Issued by the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation

The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) is seeking an Executive Director to lead one of the continent’s premier pan-African think tanks. The Executive Director provides institutional leadership and strategic vision to the organisation. He/She/They will drive the realisation of the organisation’s new 5-year strategic plan, and ensure the long-term sustainability and relevance of the Institute. The role requires a visionary leader with strong administrative and fundraising skills who can advance IJR’s reputation as a leading voice in transitional justice, reconciliation, and peacebuilding across Africa and in transitional societies globally.

Key Requirements

Institutional Leadership and Strategy

• Ensure IJR has clear strategic direction and is successfully managed to achieve its mission and goals.
• Raise and safeguard the public profile of the organisation
• Lead the implementation of IJR’s 5-year strategic plan in consultation with the management teams, staff, and stakeholders.
• Communicate IJR’s vision, mission and areas of work clearly to all staff and relevant external stakeholders.
• Provide executive oversight and control of Institute-wide affairs, policies, and operations.
• Ensure regular performance discussions, assessments, and appraisals.
• Guide leadership on deliverables required from the respective eco-systems and departments.
• Ensure effective succession planning and organisational resilience.
• Provide regular executive reports to the Board.

Programme Oversight and Thought Leadership

• Champion the development of research projects and interventions that align with IJR’s vision and mandate.
• Contribute to and help shape international debate around justice, reconciliation and peacebuilding.
• Oversee research, convening and accompaniment of the strategic eco-systems.
• Establish, maintain and monitor initiatives and partnerships with Intergovernmental organisations, governments, academic institutions and NGO’s.
• Investigate and promote new areas of work for the Institute.
• Deliver or oversee well-researched papers for publication, conferences, and workshops.
• Ensure project implementation is guided by clear M&E indicators and frameworks.

Fundraising and Business Development

• Ensure the Institute has adequate and diversified funding to secure its long-term financial sustainability.
• Provide strategic guidance and leadership on proposal development and submission to potential funders.
• Maintain regular senior-level liaison with existing donors to strengthen relationships and explore further funding opportunities.
• Lead efforts to diversify the funding base, including earned income and social enterprise opportunities.
• Oversee and approve major funding proposals and business development strategies.
• Represent IJR at funder convenings, donor forums, and high-level networking events.

Financial Management and Governance

• Ensure ethical, effective, and transparent financial management of the Institute.
• Maintain a thorough understanding of IJR’s financial status and work closely with the Finance Manager for accurate and timely reporting.
• Oversee the development of annual budgets and ensure budgetary controls are in place across all departments.
• Ensure cost-effective and responsible financial management of the Institute.
• Ensure financial reporting to donors is completed according to grant agreements.

Stakeholder Relations

• Provide executive oversight to media liaison and public statements.
• Lead the development of a comprehensive communications strategy in collaboration with the Communications team.

 Operations and Compliance

• Work closely with the Deputy Executive Director to oversee daily operations across all departments, including finance, HR, communications, and office management.
• Ensure effective and current policies and procedures are implemented and monitored across the organisation.
• Ensure compliance with all applicable legislation, including labour law, NPO regulations, and donor requirements.
• Oversee monitoring and evaluation frameworks to assess programme effectiveness and impact.
• Report regularly to the Board on organisational performance, risks, and programme outcomes.

People Management

• Directly manage the leadership team and foster an organisational culture aligned with IJR’s values.
• Actively manage the performance and development of direct reports through regular one-on-ones and bi-annual appraisals.
• Work with management to oversee general HR management across IJR.
• Direct and oversee the annual remuneration review in consultation with the Remuneration Committee.
• Encourage staff participation in their own professional development and provide mentorship and ongoing support.
• Foster an inclusive, high-performance culture that reflects IJR’s values of integrity, equity, and excellence.
• Ensure staff are included in project management and informed of decisions that affect them.

Key Competencies

• Strong leadership and management skills with the ability to inspire and motivate a diverse team.
• Excellent financial acumen and experience in managing large budgets.
• Exceptional communication and interpersonal skills.
• High level of integrity and commitment to IJR’s mission and values.
• Strong analytical and problem-solving abilities.
• Proven experience in securing grant funding and business development.
• Ability to work collaboratively with the Board of Directors, Management team, and other key stakeholders.
• Excellent strategic planning and analytical depth.
• Provide intellectual leadership to the organisation
• Ability to influence policy and accompany its implementation
• Engage stakeholders and the diplomatic community
• Well networked across the continent
• Adaptability and sound judgment in complex environments
• Experience handling a heavy workloads under pressure.
• Ability to travel frequently

Qualifications & experience

Education

• PhD in a relevant field (Political Science, International Relations, Sociology, Transitional Justice, Peace Studies or a related discipline).
• Formal training or certification in leadership, governance, or executive management is advantageous.

Experience

• Minimum of 10 years of progressive professional experience in transitional justice, reconciliation, peacebuilding, human rights, or a closely related field.
• At least 7 years in a senior leadership or executive management role, ideally within an NGO, research institute, or civil society organisation.
• Demonstrated track record in strategic leadership, fundraising, stakeholder management, and organisational development.
• Experience working on the African continent and in transitional or post-conflict contexts is strongly preferred.
• Experience engaging with boards, donors, governments, and international organisations at a senior level.

Application Process:

• Submit a letter of motivation, CV with two contactable references to Gaynore Clarke, email: vacancies@ijr.org.za
• The deadline for applications is close of business on 15 April 2026.
• Shortlisted candidates will participate in an interview process
• If you have not heard from us within one month of the closing date, please consider your application as unsuccessful.
• We encourage applications from historically disadvantaged individuals

Institute for Justice and Reconciliation

10 March 2026

The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation (IJR) notes with concern the request that Justice Sisi Khampepe recuse herself from the Commission of Enquiry into Political Interference in Apartheid-Era Crimes.

Justice Khampepe’s previous involvement in related matters was widely known at the time of her appointment to the Commission. If concerns regarding possible bias existed, these should appropriately have been raised and addressed at the time of her appointment.

The Commission has already been running for several months and has incurred significant cost to the taxpayer. A recusal at this stage would not only delay the work of the Commission but could also result in further financial and institutional costs for a process that is already long overdue.

For South Africa to advance healing and reconciliation, it is essential that the truth about past injustices is fully acknowledged and that those responsible are held accountable. The Commission is tasked with examining allegations of political interference in the investigation and prosecution of apartheid-era crimes and we must be weary of actions that risk reinforcing the very concerns that the Commission was established to investigate.

The IJR will await the decision of the courts on this matter. In the meantime, the Institute remains committed to supporting the families of victims in their ongoing pursuit of truth, accountability, and justice.

Ends